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Why Do Some Young People Struggle With Literacy? Submitted by endeavor on 2010-08-20
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Type your article into herSome blame elementary teachers for failing to teach reading effectively, and this may be true in some cases.\r\n\r\n\r\nThe Cartier Pasha Replica(http://www.itscopied.com/GoodsSeries/Replica-Pasha-Watches-145.html) available at here are based upon exclusive workmanship. Every timepiece Jaeger-LeCoultre Replica Watches(http://www.rep1ica.com/GoodsBrand/Replica-Jaeger-LeCoultre-Watches-46.html) has inherited amazing expertize and years of research the authentic watch producers. \r\n\r\n\r\nHowever, it is more likely that older youth have not received instruction to help them read increasingly complex texts as they\'ve progressed through the grades. With some exceptions, older youth can usually sound out words and understand the literal meaning of their reading. \r\n\r\n\r\nThey are more likely to struggle with understanding needed vocabulary, background, or organization of arguments in the texts they encounter in their day-to-day activities. When this happens motivation often begins to wane. Such young people construct identities as \"poor\" or \"struggling\" readers, affecting their actions in and out of school (Alvermann, 2001).\r\n\r\n\r\nIn addition, most middle and high school students engage in very little sustained reading. When they do read, it is mainly from brief, teacher-created handouts and, to a lesser degree, from textbooks (Cuban, 1984; Hull & Rose, 1989; Orange & Horowitz, 1999; Weinstein, 2002). Most secondary school teachers require limited reading of primary sources or real-world materials (Wade & Moje, 2000). Most students engage in very little discussion of what they have read, how to write, or how to interpret, analyze, or otherwise respond to texts (Applebee & Langer, 2006; Hillocks, 1986).\r\n\r\n\r\nExaminations and curriculum demands pressure secondary school subject-area teachers to cover content quickly. When they are confronted with individuals who are reluctant to read, many find it more expeditious to tell students about required content than to organize scaffolded text-based inquiry to foster understanding of content and discipline-specific literacy.\r\n\r\n\r\nWhen teachers do orchestrate content area literacy instruction, they may not have the expertise or time to attend to the more significant literacy needs of some young people. Content area literacy instruction can be beneficial for all students, including those who struggle; done well, it provides them with needed guidance in using a broad range of texts and literacy practices. Despite this, some schools have reduced time spent on such instruction to provide remediation for students with limited literacy achievement (Center on Education Policy, 2007; Moje, 2008).\r\n\r\n\r\nFor some students, content area literacy instruction is necessary but not sufficient, and additional intervention is needed. But not all interventions are equally helpful. Most content teachers do not have the expertise or time to attend to youth\'s more significant literacy needs. Some young people who struggle with reading are identified for special education services where their needs for ongoing literacy instruction are displaced by a focus on completing class work (MacDonald, 2007). Others\' needs are addressed with \"quick fix\" undifferentiated programs. \r\n\r\n\r\nSuch approaches are typically directed to constrained, easily measured skills, such as decoding or oral reading fluency. However, older students\' difficulties vary considerably (Hinchman, 2008), and are more likely related to unconstrained, harder-to-measure skills, such as comprehension (Paris, 2005). Although some students need judicious support with constrained skills, they do not benefit when scripted decoding or fluency-focused drills are the only response offered (Allington & Walmsley, 2007).\r\n\r\n\r\nEven when adolescents\' literacy needs are recognized and funding is provided to support students who are two years or more behind grade level, U.S. educators and policymakers seem wedded to a \"fix-it\" remedial mentality. If researched literacy interventions do not bring students to grade level within a year, educators and policymakers deem efforts an inadequate return on investment (Viadero, 2009). Yet educators in New Zealand recently offered an alternative vision (Lai, McNaughton, Amituanai-Toloa, Turner, & Hsiao, 2009). \r\n\r\n\r\nThese authors described a sustained acceleration of comprehension achievement among the Maori and Pacifika populations that represented the New Zealand minority achievement gap. The New Zealand intervention—an ongoing teacher-research collaborative and professional learning community—invested in building teachers\' adaptive expertise (Bransford, Derry, Berliner, & Hammerness, 2005) through evidence-based inquiry and by developing teachers\' knowledge and repertoires of practice. \r\n\r\n\r\nBy sustaining this work over four years, the Maori and Pacifika students\' performance reached grade level, results that have been replicated across several studies (McNaughton & Lai, 2009).\r\n\r\ne...

Article No is 4924 Category is Books

HOW HAS TELEVISION CHANGED POLITICS? Submitted by endeavor su on 2010-07-26
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Television has changed politics by changing the way in which information is distributed, by altering the way politics happens, and by changing our patterns of response to politics. \r\n\r\n\r\nBy giving the electorate direct access to the candidates, television diminished the role of the political party in the selection of the major party nominees. By centering politics on the person of the candidate, television accelerated the electorate\'s focus on character rather than issues.\r\n\r\n\r\nTelevision has altered the forms of political communication as well. The messages on which most of us rely are briefer than they once were. The stump speech of one to two hours that characterized nineteenth-century political discourse has given way to the 30-second spot ad and the 10-second sound bite in broadcast news.\r\n\r\n\r\nIncreasingly, the audience for a speech is not the one standing in front of the politician but the viewing audience that will hear and see a snippet of the speech on the news.\r\n\r\n\r\nIn these abbreviated forms, much of what constituted the traditional political discourse of earlier ages has been lost. \r\n\r\n\r\nIn fifteen or thirty seconds, a speaker cannot establish the historical context that shaped the issue in question, cannot detail the probable causes of the problem, cannot examine alternative proposals and argue that one is preferable to others. In snippets, politicians assert but do not argue.\r\n\r\n\r\nBecause television is an intimate medium, speaking through it required a changed political style that was more conversational, personal, and visual than that of old-style stump oratory. Reliance on television means that increasingly our political world contains memorable pictures rather than memorable words.\r\n\r\n\r\nAnd words increasingly have been spoken in places chosen to heighten their impact. \"We have nothing to fear but 15. Dale Russakoff, \"No-Name Movement Fed by Fax Expands,\" Washington Post, 20 August 1995, pp.\r\n\r\n\r\nAl, A22 fear itself\" has given way to \"Let them come to Berlin\" and \"Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.\" Schools teach us to analyze words and print; in a world in which politics is increasingly visual, informed citizenship requires a new set of skills.\r\n\r\n\r\nRecognizing the power of television\'s pictures, politicians craft television, staged events called pseudo-events designed to attract media coverage.\r\n\r\n\r\nMuch of the political activity we see on television news has been crafted by politicians, their speech writers, and their public relations advisers for televised consumption. Sound bites in news and answers to questions in debates increasingly sound like ads.\r\n\r\n\r\nPolitical managers, termed \"handlers\" in 1988, spend large amounts of time ensuring that their clients appear in visually compelling settings so that the pictures seen in the news will reinforce those seen in ads. In debates, candidates recall those staged pseudo-events.\r\n\r\n\r\nBy focusing on mainstream values, television mainstreams its viewers. Heavy viewers of television differ from light viewers in some politically relevant ways. The likelihood that a character in a prime-time program will be the victim of a crime is higher than it is in real life.\r\n\r\n\r\nHeavier viewers believe that they are more likely to be victims of crime than they actually are. Heavy viewers are also more conservative in their views about the socially appropriate response to crime. \r\n\r\n\r\nThey are, for example, more likely than light viewers to favor heavy sentences and use of the death penalty. Heavy-viewing conservatives and heavy-viewing liberals are more likely to agree on how to respond to crime than are heavy- and light-viewing liberals.\r\n\r\n\r\nWhereas heavy viewing makes liberals more conservative on crime, however, television\'s legitimating of government response to social problems draws conservatives closer to a more liberal view of the value of government solutions to social problems.\r\n\r\n\r\nThe quantity, quality, and audience for televised information about politics is changing. In the mid-1980s, an increase in the quality of political programming on the Public Broadcasting Service and the rise of cable meant that the amount of substantive political information available on television multiplied.\r\n\r\n\r\nThe rise of cable meant that specialized audiences could now be addressed directly by candidates. What had been a broadcast medium, reaching a large, undifferentiated mass audience, was increasingly becoming a narrowcast medium, reaching smaller, more homogenous audiences.\r\n\r\n\r\nWhat was once true only of radio and direct mail be-came true of television in the mid-1980s. Spanish-language cable reached Hispanics in large numbers; MTV reached young voters. Whereas broadcasting dictated that political messages speak to concerns that transcended our differences, the narrowcasting of cable meant that the special concerns of special segments of the audience could now be addressed.\r\n\r\n\r\nWhereas the limited number of broadcast channels meant that reporters could easily eavesdrop on and criticize candidate ads, however, the narrowcasting available on more than 100 cable channels makes this increasingly difficult.\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Article No is 3756 Category is Books

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